Contemporary Human Resourse Management Research Essay - 1

Contemporary Human Resourse Management Research - Essay Example The HRM balances the needs of the organization with the realities of the internal and the external environment (Docstoc, n.d.). These have to be aligned with the strategic goals of the organization. Thus, the HR specialists have a critical role in formulating the policies as the external business environment changes. Elements of the external environment The external environment or the macro-environment, in which an industry operates, is beyond the control of the organization. These elements exist outside the boundary of the organization but they have significant influence over the growth and development of the organization. The external environment comprises of the demographics, political, social, economical, technological, environmental and legal environment, in addition to the competition in the industry in which the firm operates. All of these impact organizational performance and the HR policies too could contribute in enhancing performance. However, not all external factors chan ge during a single planning period. There may be high levels of uncertainty in certain factors and these may need to be dealt with separately. The organization has to amend its policies and structure to cope with the changing business environment. ... In the auto industry the age, skills and education impact the availability of human resources. Besides, as the older employees retire and the availability of human resources is becoming scarce in the UK and the US, the automobile organizations have adopted the flexible approach. Since flexible working has caught up in the industry Volkswagen has responded by allowing its full and part-time employees flextime, job sharing, and telecommuting (Roney, 2007). As employees phase into retirement the organization gives its retirees work opportunities. They are offered part-time work, temporary assignments in consulting as well as telecommuting in addition to part-time work. Toyota too recognizes that an organization has to be flexible enough to adjust to changes specially the changes demanded as a result of fluctuations in demand (TMUK, n.d.). They thus work together in cooperation with all members of the organization to achieve maximum efficiency. To cope with the external challenges and th e demographic changes, Toyota also implements mobility of members between work roles which helps in maximizing the utilization of the company’s resources and facilities. The flexible approach is applicable even to those that do not normally work on the production line or in ancillary areas. Training is an area which helps maintain and improve both member and organizational performance. Training is thus directed in improving skills to meet the job requirements. On-the-job training enables the members to acquire different skills which help in movement and rotation within responsibilities. Declining birth rates and the retirement of the older generation is leaving

Half Caste Essay Example for Free

Half Caste Essay The two poems I am going to compare are I am not that Woman by Kishwar Naheed and Half Caste by John Agard. Although these poems are essentially about different things, with I am not that woman being about a feminist and Half Caste about skin colour, underneath this they are both about being prejudiced against somebody for no real reason. The poem Half Caste begins with the words Excuse me standing on one leg Im half caste. This is an almost apologetic beginning to the poem, it immediately shows that being mixed race is seen as negative, and that the person is unsure of himself, because of this view. In contrast, I am not that Woman starts very strongly with the title words I am not that woman. This, although also creating a feel that women are being treated unfairly, shows that the person in this poem is far stronger in her views that it is unjust, and will not stand for it, whereas the beginning of the other poem leads us to believe that the person will put up with the unfair treatment. Half Caste then goes on to question why when picasso mix red and green is not a half caste canvas. This, as well as the example of the half caste symphony, by Tchaikovsky, is used because these also use half caste things but these are accepted, and even highly regarded. Therefore, the poet is reasoning that he shouldnt be discriminated against when there are lots of things that are mixed that the whites view in high esteem. He is asking why they arent treated in the same unfair way as he is. This could also have an ironic side, as he is pointing out that the whites are so prejudiced against mixed race people and yet some of the things that they hold in the very highest esteem are mixed colours. He carries on questioning in the above way, as though trying to find the answer as to why he is treated as different, when, as he points out, English weather is in their definition, half caste, i. e. mixed. It is a moment where the author shows his utter and complete bewilderment that the English can discriminate against him, when something that is so much a part of them, the weather, is half caste, and therefore, in their opinion, inferior. He cant understand why he is discriminated against by people who are actually linked to half caste things, just like himself. He is asking why he is treated unjustly when so many other things are mixed. Here there is also a play on words, with the weather being described as overcast and the poem being about a half caste person. This play again links the weather more strongly to being mixed as the word is very similar to half caste. I am not that Woman also goes on to talk about being treated unfairly because she was a woman, who would be thought of as inferior. It is also likely that she was black as she talks about custom and tradition which is generally more associated with black societies. However, we are shown in this poem that she has not just accepted it but has fought strongly for her right to be treated the same as everyone else. She says my voice cannot be smothered by stones. By describing how she has fought against prejudice, is it obvious that this woman, like the man in Half Caste, has been discriminated against. It also literally says that I was the one you hid in your walls of stone, which can be taken to mean that she wasnt allowed to do what she wanted but was controlled, which is a form of discrimination and prejudice. However, the difference between the two poems is that, in I am not that Woman, the person stayed strong and is succeeding despite it; where as the other person is struggling along complaining that it is not fair, and as explained in the previous paragraph, questioning why they are being treated like this. It seems that the person in Half Caste possibly only deals with the discrimination by being ironical, taking the idea of half caste to extreme examples to make it clear how foolish a thing it is to discriminate against someone for it. The person in I am not that Woman has not bothered with this, and has merely fought her way through the unpleasantness until she succeeded in breaking free. The two poems therefore show two very different ways of dealing with a similar situation. The next stanza in Half Caste says Ah looking at yu wid de keen half of mih eye. This coupled with other similar references in the stanza, again shows how he is worried and squashed down by the treatment he is receiving. It also makes the reader feel that he is trapped in a certain way and unable to use his whole self, simply because he is not accepted by the community. The word keen could also refer to the fact that he sees the white people completely clearly and can see them for what they are, in his view narrow minded and vicious people as they are unfairly prejudiced against him, and is not fooled by any exterior. He is quite clever enough to know the type of people they are and know what they are doing. I am not that Woman also makes several mentions to the idea of being confined by the way she is thought of. She tells us how she was crushed, bought and sold, and a commodity you traded in. However, the contrast between the two is again that the woman in this poem also mentions that light cannot be hidden in darkness and my voice cannot be smothered by stones. This creates a feeling in the reader that the woman is fighting and still believes that she will become somebody free and equal. Although she also was restricted she has fought to be released from her unfair treatment. The idea in the two poems is of the person who is treated badly being hampered while all the others are free, also has a difference in the way it is dealt with. In Half Caste we are told I offer yu half a hand which establishes the impression that the person is limited, because he is not the same, and cannot use all of himself. This leads us to the feeling that the people who are accepted in community are free to do what they want, especially as some of the references to famous people who also mix tell us that they are accepted as normal, where as the people who have not done something great, have to fit in as a white person and cannot be mixed as they are then hindered. In I am not that Woman we are given images of her hid in your walls of stone, which is again the image of being trapped because of who you are. It also mentions you roamed free as the breeze. This shows us very definitely that one person is restricted, while the ones that fit in, in this case men, in the other poem white people, are unbound. The difference is that in this poem she says chains cannot smother my fragrance. This shows that she still feels she could, and should, be free, and as a consequence, we are made to feel that she is becoming more and more so.

Hinduism and Buddhism

Hinduism and Buddhism Concepts of karma and dharma are central to both Hinduism and Buddhism, and each has its own concept of liberation-moksa for Hinduism and nirvana for Buddhism. Yet within both traditions there are many different understandings of these concepts. This essay has three sections. First compare two different Hindu interpretations of moksha. Then compare two different Buddhist understandings of nirvana. Finally, briefly compare and contrast the Hindu approaches with the Buddhist approaches. There are two major influential religions in Asia that are spreading quickly all over the world. They are Hinduism and Buddhism. There is a misconception that surrounds these two words, moksha and nirvana, they are not the same even though the two concepts may appear similar. In the following essay I will distinguish the different understandings and interpretations of these two concepts and then I will compare and contrast the differences and the similarities. The concept of moksha in Hinduism and the concept of nirvana in Buddhism are the central focus of these two religions. Both of these concepts have their different ways of achieving their goal and they have differences. I willwrite two different interpretations of moksha in Hinduism and the approaches of two philosophical schools that emerged to teach the approach of how moksa can be attained. I will do the same for nirvana in Buddhism, going into details of different understanding of this concept and I will conclude with analyz ing the similarities and contrasts of these concepts which are followed in the same street, just are located in opposing sidewalks. Moksa itself in Sanskrit language means release and its meaning is to be liberated from the cycles of sansara, reincarnation, and the pains and the suffering of karma by achieving immortality through eternal truth. Different Hindu philosophies schools emerged in India, each with the interpreting their own understanding of moksha. One of these philosophic schools was Vedanta which was divided in different sub schools with each of their own interpretations of moksha. One of those is Shankars Advaita Vedanta School where they perceive that moksha can be acquired only when the human soul realizes that it is one being with the Brahman. According to them, a person can only achieve moksha when he realizes the truth in himself that his soul is part of Brahman and Brahman is part of his soul, or atman as they name it, and once this dualistic approach has been acknowledged then the person has achieved his true form,he has been enlighten and has broken free from the cycle of reincarnation, sans ara. The only way a person can do this is by self effort. On the other hand, Ramanujas Vishishtadvaita Vedanta School promoted another approach to achieve moksha. They followed another direction which is worshipping the god Vishnu. Their theistic approach taught people that by recognizing the soul, matter, and God, anyone can obtain mokshaby an easier way which connects people on a personal level with the Supreme Being. Nirvana in Buddhism is understood as the end of suffering. There is not a clear definition of nirvana as it can be understood in many different ways but it is the highest spiritual achievement which dissolves pains, anger, greed, desire and all forms that create suffering. In Buddhism three major central schools emerged to teach the way of enlightenment, and those were Vajrayana, Mahayana, and Theravada but I will focus on the last two doctrines. Theravada doctrine emphasises on the understanding of nirvana can be reached when the person realises the true nature of reality and has an awakening of itself. These people are called arahants. This can be achieved through many lifetime spiritual persuasions of enlightenment where the person has broken off from the cycles of rebirth, and has became a Buddha, a bodhi which has the same meaning as nirvana, the enlighten. Mahayana doctrine on the other hand has developed another understanding of nirvana. They believe that Buddha is not just a human figure but a supreme being that we cannot even perceive of its greatness and helps us achieve nirvana. This means that we are still subject to delusion even though nirvana has been attained, instead bodhi has a higher rank in spiritual achievement and once bodhi has been attained, a person can become Buddha. In Hinduism the concept of reincarnation refers to an eternal element that travels from one life to another. This element takes different forms and shapes of different living things among its eternal life. This is the soul, or the atman as it is called in Hinduism. In contrast, Buddhism has the concept of rebirth which is the continuation of the state of mind in a different human being but not its soul since its explanation is that a lot spiritual events had to happen to create the second life form and yet not a different person due to the causality relation. Thus we can see the difference clearly of Nirvana where there is the realization accomplishment of the discontinuance of individuality and Moksha is the fulfillment acquisition of the truth of the affinity of your soul, atman, and Brahman. In both cases, individuality is lost but in different understanding and interpretations. Both religions have a lot of terminology and even names of deities in common, but in every single case, the meaning is actually different both believe in reincarnation/rebirth, but the interpretation is different; both believe in karma, but the interpretation is slightly different; both believe in samsara (the cycle of rebirth and suffering) and liberation from samsara (moksha/nirvana), but the interpretation is widely different, about liberation; both have yoga, tantra, dharma, mantra, and so on, but often mean different things with the words; the significance of gods or deities is grossly different in Hinduism several of them are important objects of veneration, even seen as emanations of the supreme God (Brahman), whereas they are never objects of veneration or prayer in Buddhism, only seen as deluded sentient beings who will finally die and be reborn in a new body like you and me. They strive for an inner peace, and finally to reach heaven through either moksha or nirvana.

Essay examples --

The main purpose of the article is to take a look at previously conducted research from the years 2000-2012, on the effectiveness of drug treatment programs. The main population of this research focuses in on prisoners, parolees, and probationers. The research suggested that those who were actively participating in cognitive-behavioral therapy, drug courts, and therapeutic communities had lower rates of drug use then those who did not receive these treatments. Researchers also conducted that effective treatment programs have these things going for them, emphasis on high-risk offenders, provided strong inducements to receive treatment, multiple interventions in the same time frame, intense treatment provided, and finally include aftercare. This article ties in perfectly with our research topic of the effectiveness of Narcotics Anonymous treatment programs. We will focus in more in depth at the numbers associated with this article to provide a full understanding of our research. Chen, Gila. 2006. â€Å"Social Support, Spiritual Program, and Addiction Recovery.† International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology. 50(3): 306-323. The author, social science researcher and lecturer at Bar-Ilan University, Gila Chen, PhD., focuses on the personal and emotional adjustments of inmates, who are recovering from substance addiction/abuse and who participated in a therapeutic intervention programs. There were two groups to her research: one group went through social support program that included spiritual factors (Narcotics Anonymous meetings with the 12-step course) while the other group went through a primarily social support program (Narcotics Anonymous meetings without the 12-step course). She had hypothesized that those w... ...statistical techniques. Regarding question one: for retention, the correlation was close to zero. For commitment, data suggested that individuals with higher levels of religiosity possessed higher levels of commitment to treatment. Overall, data indicates a weak to moderate relationship between religiosity and treatment outcomes. However, in some programs religiosity affiliation could be viewed as a positive resource whereas in other programs religiosity was a hindrance to recovery. For question two, data indicates that religiosity can be an effective resource to enhance retention if the clientele viewed religion as an important source to treatment recovery. For question three, data suggested that program religious emphasis was not related to retention. For commitment to treatment, level of program religious emphasis was significantly related to positive outcomes.

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India Chapter 3 of Class Structure and Economic Growth: India & Pakistan since the Moghuls Maddison (1971) British imperialism was more pragmatic than that of other colonial powers. Its motivation was economic, not evangelical. There was none of the dedicated Christian fanaticism which the Portuguese and Spanish demonstrated in Latin America and less enthusiasm for cultural diffusion than the French (or the Americans) showed in their colonies. For this reason they westernized India only to a limited degree. British interests were of several kinds.At first the main purpose was to achieve a monopolistic trading position. Later it was felt that a regime of free trade would make India a major market for British goods and a source of raw materials, but British capitalists who invested in India, or who sold banking or shipping service there, continued effectively to enjoy monopolistic privileges. India also provided interesting and lucrati ve employment for a sizeable portion of the British upper middle class, and the remittances they sent home made an appreciable contribution to Britain's balance of payments and capacity to save.Finally, control of India was a key element in the world power structure, in terms of geography, logistics and military manpower. The British were not averse to Indian economic development if it increased their markets but refused to help in areas where they felt there was conflict with their own economic interests or political security. Hence, they refused to give protection to the Indian textile industry until its main competitor became Japan rather than Manchester, and they did almost nothing to further technical education.They introduced some British concepts of property, but did not push them too far when they met vested interests. The main changes which the British made in Indian society were at the top. They replaced the wasteful warlord aristocracy by a bureaucratic-military establish ment, carefully designed by utilitarian technocrats, which was very efficient in maintaining law and order. The greater efficiency of government permitted a substantial reduction in the fiscal burden, and a bigger share of the national product was available for landlords, capitalists and the new professional classes.Some of this upper class income was siphoned off to the UK, but the bulk was spent in India. However, the pattern of consumption changed as the new upper class no longer kept harems and palaces, nor did they wear fine muslins and damascened swords. This caused some painful readjustments in the traditional handicraft sector. It seems likely that there was some increase in productive investment which must have been near zero in Moghul India: government itself carried out productive investment in railways and irrigation and as a result there was a growth in both agricultural and industrial output.The new elite established a Western life-style using the English language and 1 English schools. New towns and urban amenities were created with segregated suburbs and housing for them. Their habits were copied by the new professional elite of lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists and businessmen. Within this group, old caste barriers were eased and social mobility increased. As far as the mass of the population were concerned, colonial rule brought few significant changes. The British educational effort was very limited.There were no major changes in village society, in the caste system, the position of untouchables, the joint family system, or in production techniques in agriculture. British impact on economic and social development was, therefore, limited. Total output and population increased substantially but the gain in per capita output was small or negligible. It is interesting to speculate about India's potential economic fate if it had not had two centuries of British rule. There are three major alternatives which can be seriously considered. One would have been the maintenance of indigenous rule with a few foreign enclaves, as in China.Given the fissiparous forces in Indian society, it is likely that there would have been major civil wars in China in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century and the country would probably have split up. Without direct foreign interference with its educational system, it is less likely that India would have developed a modernizing intelligentsia than China because Indian society was less rational and more conservative, and the Chinese had a much more homogeneous civilization around which to build their reactive nationalism.If this situation had prevailed, population would certainly have grown less but the average standard of living might possibly have been a little higher because of the bigger upper class, and the smaller drain of resources abroad (1). Another alternative to British rule would have been conquest and maintenance of power by some oth er West European country such as France or Holland. This probably would not have produced results very different in economic terms from British rule.The third hypothesis is perhaps the most intriguing, i. e. conquest by a European power, with earlier accession to independence. If India had had self-government from the 1880s, after a century and a quarter of British rule, it is likely that both income and population growth would have been accelerated. There would have been a smaller drain of investible funds abroad, greater tariff protection, more state enterprise and favours to local industry, more technical training – the sort of things which happened after 1947.However, India would probably not have fared as well as Meiji Japan, because the fiscal leverage of government would have been smaller, zeal for mass education less, and religious and caste barriers would have remained as important constraints on productivity. Establishment of a New Westernized Elite The biggest chan ge the British made in the social structure was to replace the warlord aristocracy by an efficient bureaucracy and army. The traditional system of the East India Company had been to pay its servants fairly modest salaries, and to let them augment their income from 2 rivate transactions. This arrangement worked reasonably well before the conquest of Bengal, but was inefficient as a way of remunerating the officials of a substantial territorial Empire because (a) too much of the profit went into private hands rather than the Company's coffers, and (b) an overrapacious short-term policy was damaging to the productive capacity of the economy and likely to drive the local population to revolt, both of which were against the Company's longer-term interests. Clive had operated a ‘dual' system, i. e. Company power and a puppet Nawab.Warren Hastings displaced the Nawab and took over direct administration, but retained Indian officials. Finally, in 1785, Cornwallis created a professiona l cadre of Company servants who had generous salaries, had no private trading or production interests in India, enjoyed the prospect of regular promotion and were entitled to pensions (2). All high-level posts were reserved for the British, and Indians were excluded. Cornwallis appointed British judges, and established British officials as revenue collectors and magistrated in each district of Bengal.From 1806 the Company trained its young recruits in Haileybury College near London. Appointments were still organized on a system of patronage, but after 1833 the Company selected amongst its nominated candidates by competitive examination. After 1853, selection was entirely on merit and the examination was thrown open to any British candidate. The examination system was influenced by the Chinese model, which had worked well for 2,000 years and had a similar emphasis on classical learning and literary competence.The Indian civil service was therefore able to secure high quality people b ecause (a) it was very highly paid; (b) it enjoyed political power which no bureaucrat could have had in England. In 1829 the system was strengthened by establishing districts throughout British India small enough to be effectively controlled by an individual British official who henceforth exercised a completely autocratic power, acting as revenue collector, judge and chief of police (functions which had been separate under the Moghul administration). This arrangement later became the cornerstone of Imperial administration throughout the British Empire.As the civil service was ultimately subject to the control of the British parliament, and the British community in India was subject to close mutual surveillance, the administration was virtually incorruptible. The army of the Company was a local mercenary force with 20,000-30,000 British officers and troops. It was by far the most modern and efficient army in Asia. After the Mutiny in 1857, the size of the British contingent was rai sed to a third of the total strength and all officers were British until the 1920s when a very small number of Indians was recruited.Normally, the total strength of the army was about 200,000. This army was very much smaller than those of Moghul India,3 but had better training and equipment, and the railway network (which was constructed partly for military reasons) gave it greater mobility, better logistics and intelligence. The higher ranks of the administration remained almost entirely British until the 1920s when the Indian civil service examinations began to be held in India as well as the UK. 4 In 3 addition, there was a whole hierarchy of separate bureaucracies in which the higher ranks were British, i. e. he revenue, justice, police, education, medical, public works, engineering, postal and railway services as well as the provincial civil services. India thus offered highly-paid careers to an appreciable portion of the British middle and upper classes (particularly for its p eripheral members from Scotland and Ireland). From the 1820s to the 1850s the British demonstrated a strong urge to change Indian social institutions, and to Westernize India. 5 They stamped out infanticide and ritual burning of widows (sati). They abolished slavery and eliminated dacoits (religious thugs) from the highways.They legalized the remarriage of widows and allowed Hindu converts to Christianity to lay claim to their share of joint family property. They took steps to introduce a penal code (the code was actually introduced in 1861) based on British law, which helped inculcate some ideas of equality. ‘Under his old Hindu law, a Brahmin murderer might not be put to death, while a Sudra who cohabited with a high-caste woman would automatically suffer execution. Under the new law, Brahmin and Sudra were liable to the same punishment for the same offence (6).There was a strong streak of Benthamite radicalism in the East India Company administration (7). James Mill became a senior company official in 1819 after writing a monumental history of India which showed a strong contempt for Indian institutions (8). From 1831 to 1836 he was the chief executive officer of the E. I. C. and his son John Stuart Mill worked for the Company from 1823 to 1858. Malthus was professor of economics at Haileybury, and the teaching there for future company officials was strongly influenced by Utilitarianism. Bentham himself was also consulted on the reform of Indian institutions.The Utilitarians deliberately used India to try out experiments and ideas (e. g. competitive entry for the civil service) which they would have liked to apply in England. The Utilitarians were strong supporters of laissez-faire and abhorred any kind of state interference to promote economic development. Thus they tended to rely on market forces to deal with famine problems, they did nothing to stimulate agriculture or protect industry. This laissez-faire tradition was more deeply embedded in the I ndian civil service than in the UK itself, and persisted very strongly until the late 1920s.The administration was efficient and incorruptible, but the state apparatus was of a watchdog character with few development ambitions. Even in 1936, more than half of government spending was for the military, justice, police and jails, and less than 3 per cent for agriculture (9). One of the most significant things the British did to Westernize India was to introduce a modified version of English education. Macaulay's 1835 Minute on Education had a decisive impact on British educational policy and is a classic example of a Western rationalist approach to Indian civilization.Before the British took over, the Court language of the Moghuls was Persian and the Muslim population used Urdu, a mixture of Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit. Higher education was largely religious and stressed knowledge of Arabic and Sanskrit. The Company had given some 4 financial support to a Calcutta Madrassa (1781), and a Sanskrit college at Benares (1792), Warren Hastings, as governor general from 1782 to 1795 had himself learned Sanskrit and Persian, and several other Company officials were oriental scholars.One of them, Sir William Jones, had translated a great mass of Sanskrit literature and had founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1785. But Macaulay was strongly opposed to this orientalism: â€Å"I believe that the present system tends, not to accelerate the progress of truth, but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. We are a Board for wasting public money, for printing books which are less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank; for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology †¦ I have no knowledge of either Sanskrit or Arabic †¦But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value †¦ Who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth t he whole native literature of India and Arabia †¦ all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanskrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgements used at preparatory schools in England. † For these reasons Macaulay had no hesitation in deciding in favour of English education, but it was not to be for the masses: â€Å"It is impossible for us, with our limited means to attempt to educate the body of the people.We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the po pulation† (10). Until 1857 it was possible to entertain the view (as Marx id) that the British may eventually destroy traditional Indian society and Westernize the country (11). But activist Westernizing policies and the attempt to extend British rule by taking over native states whose rulers had left no heirs provoked sections of both the Hindu and Muslim communities into rebellion in the Mutiny of 1857. Although the Mutiny was successfully put down with substantial help from loyal Indian troops including the recently conquered Sikhs, British policy towards Indian institutions and society became much more conservative. The Crown took over direct responsibility and the East India Company was disbanded.The Indian civil service attracted fewer people with innovating ideas than had the East India Company and was more closely controlled from London. The British forged an alliance with the remaining native princes and stopped taking over new territory. Until the end of their rule a bout a quarter of the Indian population remained in quasiautonomous native states. These had official British residents but were fairly free in internal policy, and the effort of Westernization came to a standstill. 5 The education system which developed was a very pale reflection of that in the UK.Three universities were set up in 1857 in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, but they were merely examining bodies and did no teaching. Higher education was carried out in affiliated colleges which gave a two-year B. A. course with heavy emphasis on rote learning and examinations. Drop-out ratios were always very high. They did little to promote analytic capacity or independent thinking and produced a group of graduates with a half-baked knowledge of English, but sufficiently Westernized to be alienated from their own culture. 12 It was not until the 1920s that Indian universities provided teaching facilities and then only for M. A. tudents. Furthermore, Indian education was of a predominantly literacy character and the provision for technical training was much less than in any European country. Education for girls was almost totally ignored throughout the nineteenth century. Because higher education was in English, there was no official effort to translate Western literature into the vernacular, nor was there any standardization of Indian scripts whose variety is a major barrier to multi-lingualism amongst educated Indians. Primary education was not taken very seriously as a government obligation and was financed largely by the weak local authorities.As a result, the great mass of the population had no access to education and, at independence in 1947, 88 per cent were illiterate. Progress was accelerated from the 1930s onwards, but at independence only a fifth of children were receiving any primary schooling. Education could have played a major role in encouraging social mobility, eliminating religious superstition, increasing productivity, and uplifting the status of wo men. Instead it was used to turn a tiny elite into imitation Englishmen and a somewhat bigger group into government clerks. Having failed to Westernize India, the British established themselves as a separate ruling caste.Like other Indian castes, they did not intermarry or eat with the lower (native) castes. Thanks to the British public-school system, their children were shipped off and did not mingle with the natives. At the end of their professional careers they returned home. The small creole class of Anglo-Indians were outcastes unable to integrate into Indian or local British society (13). The British kept to their clubs and bungalows in special suburbs known as cantonments and civil lines. They maintained the Moghul tradition of official pomp, sumptuary residences, and retinues of servants (14).They did not adopt the Moghul custom of polygamy, but remained monogamous and brought in their own women. Society became prim and priggish (15). The British ruled India in much the same way as the Roman consuls had ruled in Africa 2,000 years earlier, and were very conscious of the Roman paradigm. The elite with its classical education and contempt for business were quite happy establishing law and order, and keeping ‘barbarians' at bay on the frontier of the raj. 16 They developed their own brand of self-righteous arrogance, considering themselves purveyors not of popular but of good government.For them the word ‘British' lost its geographic connotation and became an epithet signifying moral rectitude. 6 The striking thing about the British raj is that it was operated by so few people. There were only 31,000 British in India in 1805 (of which 22,000 were in the army and 2,000 in civil government) (17). The number increased substantially after the Mutiny, but thereafter remained steady. In 1911, there were 164,000 British (106,000 employed, of which 66,000 were in the army and police and 4,000 in civil government) (18). In 1931, there were 168,000 (90, 000 employed, 60,000 in the army and police and 4,000 in civil overnment). They were a thinner layer than the Muslim rulers had been (never more than 0. 05 per cent of the population). Because of the small size of the administration and its philosophy of minimal government responsibility outside the field of law and order, India ended the colonial period with a very low level of taxation. The British had inherited the Moghul tax system which provided a land revenue equal to 15 per cent of national income, but by the end of the colonial period land tax was only 1 per cent of national income and the total tax burden was only 6 per cent.It is curious that this large reduction in the fiscal burden has passed almost without comment in the literature on Indian economic history. 19 On the contrary, emphasis is usually place on the heaviness of the tax burden, e. g. by D. Naoroji and R. C. Dutt. Most of the benefits of the lower fiscal burden were felt by landlords, and were not passed on t o the mass of the population. In urban areas new classes emerged under British rule, i. e. industrial capitalists and a new bourgeoisie of bureaucrats, lawyers, doctors, teachers and journalists whose social position was due to education and training rather than heredity.In the princely states, the remnants of the Moghul aristocracy continued their extravagances – large palaces, harems, hordes of retainers, miniature armies, ceremonial elephants, tiger hunts, and stables full of Rolls Royces. Agriculture The colonial government made institutional changes in agriculture by transforming traditionally circumscribed property rights into something more closely resembling the unencumbered private property characteristic of Western capitalism. The beneficiaries of these new rights varied in different parts of India.The top layer of Moghul property, the jagir, was abolished (except in the autonomous princely states), and the bulk of the old warlord aristocracy was dispossessed. Their previous income from land revenue, and that of the Moghul state, was now appropriated by the British as land tax. However, in the Bengal presidency (i. e. modern Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and part of Madras) the second layer of Moghul property rights belonging to Moghul tax collectors (zamindars) was reinforced (20). All zamindars in these areas now had hereditary status, so long as they paid their land taxes, and their judicial and administrative functions disappeared (21).In the Moghul period the zamindars had usually kept a tenth of the land revenue to themselves, but by the end of British rule their income from rents was a multiple of the tax they paid to the state. In Bihar, for instance, five-sixths of the total sum levied by 1950 was rent and only one-sixth revenue (22). 7 However, zamindars were not really the equivalent of Western landowners. Dominant families in each village remained as their ‘tenants-in-chief’ and continued to enjoy many of the old customary rig hts, i. e. they could not be evicted, their rights were heritable and their rental payments could not be raised easily.Lower-caste families were usually sub-tenants of the tenants-in-chief, rather than direct tenants of the zamindars. Often there were several layers of tenancy between the actual cultivator and the zamindar. Sub-tenants had less security and less defence against rack-renting than tenants-in-chief. It is worth noting that when zamindari rights were abolished around 1952 and the old zamindar rental income was converted into state revenue, the amount involved was only about 2 per cent of farm income in the relevant areas of India.This suggests that by the end of the colonial period, the zamindars were not able to squeeze as much surplus out of their chief tenants as is sometimes suggested. The typical zamindari estate at the end of British rule seems to have been very different from that at the end of the eighteenth century. In Bengal the total â€Å"number of landowne rs which did not exceed 100 in the beginning of Hasting's administration in 1772, rose in the course of a century to 154,200†. In 1872 there were 154,200 estates of which â€Å"533, or 0. 34 per cent, only are great properties with an area of 20,000 acres and upwards; 15,747, or 10. 1 per cent, range from 500 to 20,000 acres in area; while the number of estates which fell short of 500 acres is no less than 137,920, or 89. 44 per cent, of the whole† (23). Misra attributes this fall in the average size of zamindari properties to the fact that they could be inherited or sold freely, whereas the Moghul state wanted to keep the number small because zamindars had administrative functions under the Moghul Empire. Under the British, transfers became much more frequent, particularly into the hands of moneylenders.The moneylenders are frequently presented as squeezing out poor peasants and tenantry and thus promoting the concentration of wealth, but the evidence of what happened to zamindar estates suggests that village moneylenders may also have helped to break up concentrations of wealth (24). In the Madras and Bombay Presidencies, which covered most of Southern India, the British dispossessed many of the old Moghul and Mahratta nobility and big zamindars, and vested property rights and tax obligations in individual ‘peasants'.This settlement was known as the ryotwari (peasant tenure) system. However, the term peasant is misleading, because most of those who acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower-caste cultivators became their tenants. Thus there was no change in social structure at the village level, except that the new ownership rights gave greater opportunities for sale and mortgage, and the security of the tenant was less than it had been under the previous system. The change in legal status was limited by several factors.First of all, illiterate peasant did not always understand the new situation, and there were strong social ties in the joint family and the caste panchayats to prevent major deviations from old habits Secondly, the new administration was rather remote from 8 individual villages (with a district officer responsible for over a thousand villages), and many British administrators had a personal bias in favour of customary tenant rights because by maintaining them they could avoid political trouble. At a later stage, the government itself introduced a good deal of legislation to protect customary rights in response to peasant disturbances. 5 Land policy was, therefore, another instance of British policy of halfWesternization. The change from custom to contract was not nearly as sharp as that brought about in Japan by the Meiji land reforms. The British were more concerned with arrangements which would guarantee their revenue and not provoke too much political disturbance rather than in increasing productivity or introducing capitalist institutions. The Utilitarian s who dominated the Company from 1820 to 1850 would have liked to push in this direction, but they were displaced at mid-century by the paternalist conservatives f the Imperial raj.Nevertheless, there were some economic consequences of the new legal situation. Because of the emergence of clear titles, it was now possible to mortgage land. The status of moneylenders was also improved by the change from Muslim to British law. There had been moneylenders in the Moghul period, but their importance grew substantially under British rule, and over time a considerable amount of land changed hands through foreclosures (26). Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land values and rents.The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax. Indian literature usually stresses the heavy burden of land tax in the early days of British rule, but the fact that it fell substantially over time is sel dom noted (27). The Moghul land tax was about 30 per cent of the crop, but by 1947 land tax was only 2 per cent of agricultural income. The fall was most marked in Bengal where the tax was fixed in perpetuity in 1793, but it was also true in other areas. As a result of these changes, there was not only an increase in village income but a widening of income inequality within villages.The village squirearchy received relatively higher incomes because of the reduced burden of land tax and the increase in rents; tenants and agricultural labourers may well have experienced a decline in income because their traditional rights were curtailed and their bargaining power was reduced by land scarcity. The class of landless agricultural labourers grew in size under British rule, but modern scholarship has shown that they were not a â€Å"creation† of the British (28). They were about 15 per cent of the rural population at the end of the eighteenth century, and about a quarter of the labo ur force now.Although these were important modifications in the village structure, the traditional hierarchy of caste was not destroyed. Income differentials widened, but the social and ritual hierarchy in villages did not change its character. Village society was not egalitarian in Moghul times, and in most cases those whose income rose in the British period were already socially dominant, although there were exceptions (29). Recent sociological studies, although they indicate 9 changes in the British period, also portray a village hierarchy in the 1940s and 1950s which cannot be very different from that in the Moghul period (30).We still find a dominant caste of petty landlords, an intermediate group of tenants, village artisans tied by jajmani relationships, a group of low-status labourers, untouchable menials with the whole held together by the same elaborate system of caste. One might have expected the legal changes introduced by the British to have had a positive effect on eff iciency. They removed the class of jagirdars who had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the product.Moneylenders helped to root out improvident or inefficient landowners. However, most farmers were illiterate and the government did not provide research or extension services, or encourage the use of fertilizers. Until recently, with the arrival of the tubewell, there were technical limits to the possibility of small-scale irrigation. There were also organizational difficulties in changing technique to improve productivity. The division of labour in the village and hereditary attitudes to work as a semi-religious ritual rather than a means to improve income were obstacles to change.Furthermore, a good many of the cultivating landowners whose income was increased were relatively poor and used their increased income for consumption rather than investment. Some of th ose who were better off probably improved their land or took over waste land, but as religion inculcated the idea that manual labour was polluting, some of them probably worked less (31). The big zamindars used some of their extra income to develop waste land, but many cultivated a life style rather like the old Moghul aristocracy and had a high propensity to consume. According to Raychaudhuri, â€Å"a zamindar's house with a hundred rooms was not exceptional†.Some of the enterprising ones probably transferred their savings out of agriculture into trade and industry or bought their children a Western-type education. Thus the effect of the change was to increase productivity and savings, but not much. During the period of British rule, agricultural production grew substantially in order to feed a population which grew from 165 million in 1757 to 420 million in 1947. The new system of land ownership offered some stimulus to increase output, and there was substantial waste land available for development. The colonial government made some contribution towards increased output through irrigation.The irrigated area was increased about eightfold, and eventually more than a quarter of the land of British India was irrigated. 33 Irrigation was extended both as a source of revenue and as a measure against famine. A good deal of the irrigation work was in the Punjab and Sind. The motive here was to provide land for retired Indian army personnel, many of whom came from the Punjab, and to build up population in an area which bordered on the disputed frontier with Afghanistan. These areas, which had formerly been desert, became the biggest irrigated area in the world and a major producer of wheat nd cotton, both for export and for sale in other parts of India. 10 Apart from government investment in irrigation, there was a substantial private investment, and by the end of British rule private irrigation investment covered nearly 25 million acres of British India. Impr ovements in transport facilities (particularly railways, but also steamships and the Suez canal) helped agriculture by permitting some degree of specialization on cash crops. This increased yields somewhat, but the bulk of the country stuck to subsistence farming. Plantations were developed for indigo, sugar, jute and tea.These items made a significant contribution to exports, but in the context of Indian agriculture as a whole, they were not very important. In 1946, the two primary staples, tea and jute, were less than 3. 5 per cent of the gross value of crop output. 34 Thus the enlargement of markets through international trade was less of a stimulus in India than in other Asian countries such as Ceylon, Burma or Thailand (35). Little was done to promote agricultural technology. There was some improvement in seeds, but no extension service, no improvement in livestock and no official encouragement to use fertilizer.Lord Mayo, the Governor General, said in 1870, â€Å"I do not kno w what is precisely meant by ammoniac manure. If it means guano, superphosphate or any other artificial product of that kind, we might as well ask the people of India to manure their ground with champagne† (36). Statistics are not available on agricultural output for the first century and a half of British rule, but all the indications suggest that there was substantial growth. We do not know whether output rose faster or more slowly than population, but it seems likely that the movements were roughly parallel.For the last half century of British rule, the main calculations of output are those by George Blyn. His first study, which has been widely quoted, was published in 1954 by the National Income Unit of the Indian government and showed only a 3 per cent increase in crop output in British India from 1893 to 1946, i. e. a period in which population increased 46 per cent! His second study, published in 1966 showed a 16. 6 per cent increase, and this, too, has been widely quot ed, but he also gives a ‘modified' series which shows a 28. 9 per cent increase.This seems preferable, as the official figures on rice yields in Orissa, which are corrected in his â€Å"modified† estimate, seem obviously in error. However, even Blyn's upper estimate is probably an understatement because he shows a very small increase in acreage. It is difficult to believe that per capita food output could have gone down as much as he suggests, whilst waste land remained unused. There has been a very big increase in the cultivated area since independence and it seems likely that the increase in the preceding half century was bigger than Blyn suggests.Therefore, my own estimate of crop output (Appendix B) for 1900-46, uses Blyn's figures on yields but assumes that the cultivated area rose by 23 per cent (Sivasubramonian's figure) rather than by 12. 2 per cent (Blyn's figure) (37). My estimate shows agricultural output rising about the same amount as population from 1900 t o 1946. However, even this may be too low. The basic reports on areas under cultivation are those provided by village accountants 11 (patwaris) in areas where land revenue was periodically changed, and by village watchmen (chowkidars) in areas where the land revenue was permanently settled.There was some incentive for farmers to bribe patwaris to under-report land for tax purposes, and chowkidars are all too often illiterate and drowsy people, who would usually report that things were normal, i. e. the same as the year before. There is, therefore, a tendency for under-reporting of both levels and rates of growth in areas covered by statistics, and the areas not covered by statistics were generally on the margin of cultivation and may have had a more steeply rising trend than the average area covered.Thus Blyn shows no growth in output in Bengal where the chowkidars did the basic reporting. He did not cover the Sind desert area in which the British built the huge Sukkur barrage in 19 32. Blyn was, of course, aware of these difficulties and tried to correct for them as far as possible, but the fundamental problems are not amenable to ‘statistical' manipulation but require ‘hunch' adjustment.My own conclusion from the evidence available is that agricultural output per head was at least as high at the end of British rule as it was in the Moghul period, and that rural consumption levels were somewhat higher because of the lower tax burden on agriculture, and the smaller degree of wastage which allowed surplus areas to sell their grains. This slight improvement in standards may have contributed to the expansion in population. However, agricultural yields and nutritional levels at independence were amongst the lowest in the world. Under British rule, the Indian population remained subject to recurrent famines and epidemic diseases.In 1876-8 and 1899-1900 famine killed millions of people. In the 1890s there was a widespread outbreak of bubonic plague and in 1919 a great influenza epidemic. It is sometimes asserted by Indian nationalist historians that British policy increased the incidence of famine in India, particularly in the nineteenth century (38). Unfortunately we do not have any figures on agricultural production for this period, and it is difficult to base a judgement merely on catalogues of famine years whose intensity we cannot measure. As agriculture was extended to more marginal land one would have expected output to become more volatile.But this was offset to a considerable extent by the major improvement in transport brought by railways, and the greater security of water supply brought by irrigation. It is noteworthy that the decades in which famines occurred were ones in which population was static rather than falling. 39 In the 1920s and 1930s there were no famines, and the 1944 famine in Bengal was due to war conditions and transport difficulties rather than crop failure. However, the greater stability after 1920 may have been partly due to a lucky break in the weather cycle40 rather than to a new stability of agriculture.British rule reduced some of the old checks on Indian population growth. The main contribution was the ending of internal warfare and local banditry. There was some reduction in the incidence of famine. The death rate was also reduced to some degree by making ritual suicide and infanticide illegal. The British contributed to public health by introducing smallpox vaccination, establishing Western medicine and training modern doctors, by killing rats, and establishing 12 quarantine procedures. As a result, the death rate fell and the population of India grew by 1947 to more than two-and-a-half times its size in 1757.Industry Several Indian authors have argued that British rule led to a de-industrialization of India. R. C. Dutt argued, â€Å"India in the eighteenth century was a great manufacturing as well as a great agricultural country, and the products of the Indian loom suppl ied the markets of Asia and Europe. It is, unfortunately, true that the East India Company and the British Parliament, following the selfish commercial policy of a hundred years ago, discouraged Indian manufacturers in the early years of British rule in order to encourage the rising manufactures of England.Their fixed policy, pursued during the last decades of the eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth, was to make India subservient to the industries of Great Britain, and to make the Indian people grow raw produce only, in order to supply material for the looms and manufactories of Great Britain† (41). R. Palme Dutt, writing forty years later, argued that the process had been continuous: â€Å"the real picture of modern India is a picture of what has been aptly called â€Å"de-industrialization†that is, the decline of the old handicraft industry without the compensating advance of modern industry.The advance of factory industry has not overtaken the decay of handicraft. The process of decay characteristic of the nineteenth century has been carried forward in the twentieth century and in the post-war period† (42). Nehru, in his popular history is a conflation of the two Dutts, argued that the British deindustrialized India, and that this â€Å"is the real the fundamental cause of the appalling poverty of the Indian people, and it is of comparatively recent origin† (43).There is a good deal of truth in the deindustrialization argument. Moghul India did have a bigger industry than any other country which became a European colony, and was unique in being an industrial exporter in pre-colonial times. A large part of the Moghul industry was destroyed in the course of British rule. However, it is important to understand precisely how this deindustrialization came about and to try to get some idea of its quantitative significance in different periods.Oversimplified explanations, which exaggerate the role of British commer cial policy and ignore the role of changes in demand and technology, have been very common and have had some adverse impact on post-independence economic policy (44). Between 1757 and 1857 the British wiped out the Moghul court, and eliminated threequarters of the warlord aristocracy (all except those in princely states). They also eliminated more than half of the local chiefs (zamindars) and in their place established a bureaucracy with European tastes. The new rulers wore European clothes and shoes, drank imported beer, wines and spirits, and used European weapons.Their tastes were copied by the male members of the new Indian ‘middle class' which arose to act as their clerks and intermediaries. As a result of these political and social 13 changes, about three-quarters of the domestic demand for luxury handicrafts was destroyed. This was a shattering blow to manufacturers of fine muslins, jewellery, luxury clothing and footwear, decorative swords and weapons. It is not known how important these items were in national income, but my own guess would be that the home market for these goods was about 5 per cent of Moghul national income. The export market was probably another 1. per cent of national income, and most of this market was also lost. There was a reduction of European demand because of the change in sartorial tastes after the French revolution, and the greatly reduced price of more ordinary materials because of the revolution of textile technology in England. The second blow to Indian industry came from massive imports of cheap textiles from England after the Napoleonic wars. In the period 1896-1913, imported piece goods supplied about 60 per cent of Indian cloth consumption,45 and the proportion was probably higher for most of the nineteenth century.Home spinning, which was a spare-time activity of village women, was greatly reduced. A large proportion of village hand-loom weavers must have been displaced, though many switched to using factory i nstead of home-spun yarn. Even as late as 1940 a third of Indian piece goods were produced on hand looms (46). The new manufactured textile goods were considerably cheaper (47) and of better quality than hand-loom products, so their advent increased textile consumption. At the end of British rule, there can be no doubt that cloth consumption per head was substantially larger than in the Moghul period.We do not know how big an increase in textile consumption occurred, but if per capita consumption of cotton cloth doubled (which seems quite plausible), then the displacement effect on hand-loom weavers would have been smaller than at first appears. The hand-loom weavers who produced a third of output in 1940 would have been producing two-thirds if there had been no increase in per capita consumption. In time, India built up her own textile manufacturing industry which displaced British imports. But there was a gap of several decades before manufacturing started and a period of 130 year s before British textile imports were eliminated.India could probably have copied Lancashire's technology more quickly if she had been allowed to impose a protective tariff in the way that was done in the USA and France in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, but the British imposed a policy of free trade. British imports entered India duty free, and when a small tariff was required for revenue purposes Lancashire pressure led to the imposition of a corresponding excise duty on Indian products to prevent them gaining a competitive advantage. This undoubtedly handicapped industrial development.If India had been politically independent, her tax structure would probably have been different. In the 1880s, Indian customs revenues were only 2. 2 per cent of the trade turnover, i. e. the lowest ratio in any country. In Brazil, by contrast, import duties at that period were 21 per cent of trade turnover. 48 If India had enjoyed protection there is no doubt that its textile indus try would have started earlier and grown faster. 14 The first textile mills were started in the 1850s by Indian capitalists who had made their money trading with the British and had acquired some education in English.Cotton textiles were launched in Bombay with financial and managerial help from British trading companies. India was the first country in Asia to have a modern textile industry, preceding Japan by twenty years and China by forty years. Cotton mills were started in Bombay in 1851, and they concentrated on coarse yarns sold domestically and to China and Japan; yarn exports were about half of output. Modern jute manufacturing started about the same time as cotton textiles. The first jute mill was built in 1854 and the industry expanded rapidly in the vicinity of Calcutta. The industry was largely in the hands of foreigners (mainly Scots).Between 1879 and 1913 the number of jute spindles rose tenfold – much faster than growth in the cotton textile industry. The jute industry was able to expand faster than cotton textiles because its sales did not depend so heavily on the povertystricken domestic markets. Most of jute output was for export. Coal mining, mainly in Bengal, was another industry which achieved significance. Its output, which by 1914 had reached 15. 7 million tons, largely met the demands of the Indian railways. In 1911 the first Indian steel mill was built by the Tata Company at Jamshedpur in Bihar.However, production did not take place on a significant scale before the First World War. The Indian steel industry started fifteen years later than in China, where the first steel mill was built at Hangyang in 1896. The first Japanese mill was built in 1898. In both China and Japan the first steel mills (and the first textile mills) were government enterprises. Indian firms in industry, insurance and banking were given a boost from 1905 onwards by the swadeshi movement, which was a nationalist boycott of British goods in favour of Indian enterprise.During the First World War, lack of British imports strengthened the hold of Indian firms on the home market for textiles and steel. After the war, under nationalist pressure, the government started to favour Indian enterprise in its purchase of stores and it agreed to create a tariff commission in 1921 which started raising tariffs for protective reasons. By 1925, the average tariff level was 14 per cent49 compared with 5 per cent pre-war. The procedure for fixing tariffs was lengthy and tariff protection was granted more readily to foreign-owned than to Indian firms, but in the 1930s protection was sharply increased (50).The government was more willing to protect the textile industry when the threat came from Japan and not the UK. Between 1930 and 1934 the tariff on cotton cloth was raised from 11 to 50 per cent, although British imports were accorded a margin of preference. As a result of these measures, there was considerable substitution of local textiles for import s. In 1896, Indian mills supplied only 8 per cent of total cloth consumption; in 1913, 20 per cent; in 1936, 62 per cent; and in 1945, 76 per cent (51). By the latter date there were no imports of piece goods. 15Until the end of the Napoleonic wars, cotton manufactures had been India's main export. They reached their peak in 1798, and in 1813 they still amounted to ? 2 million, but thereafter they fell rapidly (52). Thirty years later, half of Indian imports were cotton textiles from Manchester. This collapse in India's main export caused a problem for the Company, which had to find ways to convert its rupee revenue into resources transferable to the UK. The Company therefore promoted exports of raw materials on a larger scale, including sugar, silk, saltpetre and indigo, and greatly increased exports of opium which were traded against Chinese tea.These dopepeddling efforts provoked the Anglo-Chinese war of 1842, after which access to the Chinese market was greatly widened. By the m iddle of the nineteenth century opium was by far the biggest export of India, and remained in this position until the 1880s when its relative and absolute importance began to decline. Another new export was raw cotton, which could not compete very well in European markets against higher quality American and Egyptian cottons, (except during the US Civil War), but found a market in Japan and China.Sugar exports were built up after 1833 when the abolition of slavery raised West Indian production costs, but India had no long-run comparative advantage in sugar exports. Indigo (used to dye textiles) was an important export until the 1890s when it was hit by competition from German synthetic dyes. The jute industry boomed from the time of the Crimean War onwards, when the UK stopped importing flax from Russia. In addition to raw jute (shipped for manufacture in Dundee) India exported jute manufactures. Grain exports were also built up on a sizeable scale, mainly from the newly irrigated ar ea of the Punjab.The tea industry was introduced to India from China and built up on a plantation basis. Tea exports became important from the 1860s onwards. Hides and skins and oil cake (used as animal feed and fertilizer) were also important raw material exports. Table 3-1 Level of Asian Exports f. o. b. 1850-1950 (million dollars) 1850 1913 1937 1950 Ceylon 5 76 124 328 China 24 294 516 (700) India 89 786 717 1,178 Indonesia 24 270 550 800 Japan 1 354 1,207 820 Malaya 24 193 522 1,312 Philippines n. a. 48 153 331 Thailand 3 43 76 304 Figures refer to customs area of the year concerned.In 1850 and 1913 the Indian area included Burma. The comparability of 1937 and 1950 figures is affected by the separation of Pakistan. Manufactured textile exports form India began to increase in the 1850s when the first modern mills were established. The bulk of exports were yarn and crude piece goods which were sold in China and Japan. As the Chinese and Japanese were prevented by colonial-type tr eaties from 16 imposing tariffs for manufactured imports they were wide open to Indian goods, and particularly cotton textiles and yarn.Indian jute manufactures were exported mainly to Europe and the USA However, India began to suffer from Japanese competition in the 1890s. Indian yarn exports to Japan dropped sharply from 8,400 tons in 1890 to practically nothing in 1898, and India also suffered from Japanese competition in China. The Japanese set up factories in China after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5. Before this, India had supplied 96 per cent of Chinese yarn imports, the UK 4 per cent, and Japan none. Within three years the Japanese were supplying a quarter to Chinese imports, and by 1914 India was exporting less yarn to China than was Japan.During the First World War Japan made further progress in the Chinese market and by 1924 supplied threequarters of Chinese imports. By 1928 India was exporting only 3 per cent of her yarn output. By the end of the 1930s, Indian exports of yarn to China and Japan had disappeared, piece goods exports had fallen off, and India imported both yarn and piece goods from China and Japan. Indian exports grew fairly rapidly in the period up to 1913, but their growth was slower than that of most other Asian countries which had a natural resource endowment offering greater opportunities for trade.As a consequence, in 1913, India had a smaller trade per head than most countries except China. Nevertheless, exports were 10. 7 per cent of national income, probably a higher ratio than has been reached before or since. Until 1898 India, like most Asian countries, was on the silver standard. In the 1870s the price of silver began to fall and the rupee depreciated against sterling. This led to some rise in the internal price level, but it helped to make Indian exports more competitive with those of the UK, e. g. in the Chinese textile market.In 1898, India adopted a gold exchange standard which tied the rupee to sterling at a fixed v alue of 15 to 1. This weakened her competitiveness vis-a-vis China which remained on a depreciating silver standard, but its potential adverse effects were mitigated because Japan went on to the gold exchange standard at the same time. During the First World War, when the sterling exchange rate was allowed to float, the rupee appreciated. Unfortunately, when sterling resumed a fixed (and overvalued) parity in 1925, the rupee exchange rate was fixed above the pre-war level.This overvaluation eased the fiscal problems of government in making transfers to the UK and enabled British residents in India, or those on Indian pensions in the UK, to get more sterling for their rupees, but it made it necessary for domestic economic policy to be deflationary (in cutting wages) and greatly hindered Indian exports, particularly those to or competing with China and Japan. As a result, Indian exports fell from 1913 to 1937, a poorer performance than that of almost any other country.At independence exports were less than 5 per cent of national income. If we look at Indian export performance from 1850 to 1950 it was worse than that of any other country 17 in Asia (see Table 3-1). The Second World War gave a fillip to Indian industrial output, but there was not much increase in capacity because of the difficulty of importing capital goods and the lack of a domestic capital goods industry. Many of the most lucrative commercial, financial, business and plantation jobs in the modern sector were occupied by foreigners.Although the East India Company's legally enforced monopoly privileges were ended in 1833, the British continued to exercise effective dominance through the system of ‘managing agencies'. These agencies, originally set up by former employees of the East India Company, were used both to manage industrial enterprise and to handle most of India's international trade. They were closely linked with British banks, insurance and shipping companies. Managing agencies had a quasi-monopoly in access to capital, and they had interlocking directorships which gave them control over supplies and markets (53).They dominated the foreign markets in Asia. They had better access to government officials than did Indians. The agencies were in many ways able to take decisions favourable to their own interests rather than those of shareholders. They were paid commissions based on gross profits or total sales and were often agents for the raw materials used by the companies they managed. Thus the Indian capitalists who did emerge were highly dependent on British commercial capital and many sectors of industry were dominated by British firms, e. . shipping, banking, insurance, coal, plantation crops and jute. Indian industrial efficiency was hampered by the British administration's neglect of technical education, and the reluctance of British firms and managing agencies to provide training of managerial experience to Indians. Even in the Bombay textile industry, wh ere most of the capital was Indian, 28 per cent of the managerial and supervisory staff were British in 1925 (42 per cent in 1895) and the British component was even bigger in more complex industries.This naturally raised Indian production costs (54). At lower levels there was widespread use of jobbers for hiring workers and maintaining discipline, and workers themselves were a completely unskilled group who had to bribe the jobbers to get and retain their jobs. There were also problems of race, language and caste distinctions between management, supervisors and workers (55). The small size and very diversified output of the enterprises hindered efficiency.It is partly for these reasons (and the overvaluation of the currency) that Indian exports had difficulty in competing with Japan. The basic limitations on the growth of industrial output were the extreme poverty of the rural population, and the fact that a large proportion of the elite had a taste for imported goods or exported t heir purchasing power. The government eventually provided tariff protection but did not itself create industrial plants, sponsor development banks, or give preference to local industry in allotting contracts.The banking system gave little help to industry and technical education was poor. Most of these things changed when India became independent except the first and most important, i. e. the extreme poverty of the rural population which limited the expansion of the 18 market for industrial goods. By the time of independence, large-scale factory industry in India employed less than 3 million people as compared with 12 1/4 million in small-scale industry and handicrafts, and a labour force of 160 million. 6 This may appear meagre, but India's per capita industrial output at independence was higher than elsewhere in Asia outside Japan, and more than half of India's exports were manufactures. British policy was less repressive to local industry than that of other colonial power, and ha d permitted the emergence of a small but powerful class of Indian entrepreneurs. It should be noted, however, that modern industry was heavily concentrated in Calcutta, Bombay and Ahmedabad. The area which was to become Pakistan had practically no industry at all.Table 3-2 Industrial Growth in the Last Half Century of British Rule Small-scale enterprise Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 1900/1901 13,308 2,296 1945/1946 12,074 2,083 Factory establishments Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 601 379 2,983 2,461 Source: S. Sivasubramonian, op. cit. , for employment and value added in factories. For small-scale enterprise I assume value added to move proportionately to employment. In the last half century of British rule the output of factory industry rose about six-fold (about 4. per cent a year) whereas the output of small-scale industry declined. Their joint output rose about two-thirds (1. 2 per cent a year), and per head of population, jo int output was rising by 0. 4 per cent a year. We know that output in the modern factory sector was zero in 1850, and if we assume that small enterprise output grew parallel with population from 1850 to 1900, then total industrial output would have grown by 0. 8 per cent a year in this period, or about 0. 3 per cent a year per head of population. Some increase seems plausible in this period of railway development and expanding international trade.It therefore seems possible that in the last century of British rule, per capita output of industrial goods rose by a third. But in the first century of British rule, i. e. 17571857, it seems certain that industrial output fell per head of population because (a) the home and domestic market for luxury goods was cut so drastically; (b) the home market for yarn and cheap cloth was invaded by foreign competition. Over the whole period of British rule it therefore seems likely that industrial output per head of the population was not significan tly changed.The Economic Burden of Foreign Rule The major burden of foreign rule arose from the fact that the British raj was a regime of expatriates. Under an Indian administration, income from government service would have accrued to the local inhabitants and not to foreigners. The diversion of upper-class income into the hands of foreigners 19 inhibited the development of local industry because it put purchasing power into the hands of people with a taste for foreign goods. This increased imports and was particularly damaging to the luxury handicraft industries.Another important effect of foreign rule on the long-run growth potential of the economy was the fact that a large part of its potential savings were siphoned abroad. This ‘drain' of funds from India to the UK has been a point of major controversy between Indian nationalist historians and defenders of the British raj. However, the only real grounds for controversy are statistical. There can be no denial that there wa s a substantial outflow which lasted for 190 years. If these funds had been invested in India they could have made a significant contribution to raising income levels.The first generation of British rulers was rapacious. Clive took quarter of a million pounds

Descriptive Eassy on Visit for Trip

Fear On The Autobahn With definitions of difficult words One often experiences strange incidents in life. Such incidents remain etched in the memory lane. Scary or cheerful, my first trip on the Lyari expressway can never be forgotten. Why not, for it is recorded in detail in my personal diary. Before the arrival of my cousins from USA, I believed myself to be a sort of an extremely brave wunderkind. It all changed after that. Even my grandiloquence did not stop them from frightening me with hair-raising stories. Very soon, I had started to fear every nick and corner for what it may conceal.As a small child, I started believing in out-worldly people and in the fact that my cousins were clairvoyants and could see into the future. Along with these stories, my cousins had burst me with admiration for the autobahn on the Lyari River. I repeatedly tried to persist my over-burdened father into taking me for a ride, till he finally accepted my request. Dressed smartly on that eventful day, I looked for all to see as the luckiest boy in the world. As a final blood curdle, my eldest cousin warned me that something bad could happen to me on the expressway. However, even his warning could not dampen my spirits before the ride.After 5 minutes of light-hearted singing (and unhesitating driving by my father), we finally reached the tollbooth of the autobahn. I could not stop myself from thinking whether the collector was an out-worldly creature or a human. Only when I discovered that his ears weren’t pointed – but were round just like my ears – was I convinced of his being. After the toll had commanded over a little money from my father’s pocket, my father opened the car radio and started driving at a ridiculous speed. He had a wonderful sense of schadenfreude when he learnt from the car radio that a car crash had occurred near the entrance of the expressway.The crash meant that there would be no other cars on the autobahn, so my father could cont inue driving at his ridiculous speed. At this point of the narrative, I will blame my cousins for redirecting my thoughts. Their stories spooked me for a long time, especially on the Lyari autobahn. I believed that every nick and corner would reveal a specially armed kidnapper. Then suddenly I saw the outline of a man running towards us and my blood ran cold. Many people say that reading too many books can be bad for you. I sincerely agreed with them after the incident.At that point of time, I imagined myself to be an African slave of the 1800s being shipped to the States. I prepared myself to be stripped of my lederhosen and to be given a diet of kinkorn. I would be separated from my family and be thrashed by a myriad of people. Harrowingly, I told my father that a convict, who was brandishing a sword, was beckoning us to stop. Seeing my miserable face, my father started laughing uncontrollably, and almost crashed into a wall. After gazing at my surprised face, he told me that the ‘convict’ was actually guard pointing to the speed limit; which my father had been crossing.Chuckling, my father related that the guard had a much more powerful weapon to brandish than a sword; the guard had a gun! After the afore-mentioned incident, I vowed never to spook little children with haunted stories. I advise all readers never to take a trip on an autobahn during the night. Autobahn| expressway| Wunderkind| child prodigy| Grandiloquence| Grand gestures| Clairvoyant| Fortune-teller| Schadenfreude| Pleasure derived from someone’s misfortune| Lederhosen| Leather shorts| Kinkorn| Ancient wheat| Myriad| Large number| Harrowing| Extremely distressed| Definations

Diet And Primate Evolution Essays - Diets, Primate, Dietary Fiber

Diet And Primate Evolution Essays - Diets, Primate, Dietary Fiber Diet And Primate Evolution Diet and Primate Evolution Variation in the choices of food on a daily, seasonal, and yearly basis is one of the greatest differences between primate species. Primate diets have generally been divided into three main food categories-fruit, leaves and fauna (including insects, spiders, and bird's eggs for the most part). The different diets also are referred to as Frugivores, Folivores, and Insectivores (fruits, leaves and insects respectively). These gross dietary categories are correlated with aspects of primate activity patterns such as home range and group size. There are different problems that have to be overcome in order to obtain a balanced diet on a day-to-day basis. New leaves and mature leaves, for example, may have different nutritional bases or availabilities. Some fruits appear in large clumps while others are spread thinly over a larger area. Aside from diet, primates have tended to either adapt through specialized dentition and digestive systems or rely on a variety of different foods. Those tha t chose this second route have tended to have larger brain sizes relative to their overall body size. This may be due to the need to know where different types of food can be found at different times throughout the year. Have you ever looked at a picture of a gorilla or money that has what appears to be a beer belly look? Those primates that specialize on eating large amounts of vegetation have difficulty digesting their meals. Different solutions have been found including double stomachs or multichewes, but the problem usually requires an individual to sit back and let the digestive system work-and on the die expel gas. It hasn't been until recently that it was realized that primates, who evolved in the canopy, actually had a quite difficult time finding adequate nutrition. Due to natural selection, which strongly favors those traits enhancing foraging efficiency, and this difficulty finding sustenance, the characteristics regarded as belonging to primates were evolved. Most primates species either maximize the efficiency of their digestive track or maximize the quality and the volume of food processed in a day. Also. Those species, which increase the volume of food, consumed also tended to have larger brains because of a need to remember, not only what, but also where good food sources are and when they are in season. Knowing the trends of evolution, the next thing to do is to look at how it relates to humans. It can be seen that out closest living relative, the chimpanzee makes up 94% of his diet with plants. Most of this is fruit with high sugar and fiber content, meaning that chimps take in hundreds of grams of fiber per day; contrary to the 10 grams or less the advantage American consumes. This suggests that our diet should be higher in vitamin C, pectin, and fiber like our relatives in the wild. Ironically, the same natural selection, which favors the most energy-dense and low fiber diets, may now be causing us to suffer from too little fiber. Plants have been a major food eaten by primates. The primates were almost exclusively herbivorous. A strong focus on plant foods is characteristic of all primates and there is strong consensus that the primates were very strongly herbivorous (Milton 1987, 1993). Many plants are lacking vital nutrients, such as vitamins and the protein building blocks known as amino acids, that the monkeys and other animals require. Some plants lack enough carbohydrates to make them worthwhile as energy producers. Yet in all of these cases the primates would still search for specific plants that exhibited one or more of these traits, rather than just rely on the plant life that was within easy reach. The fact that the primates would make an active search from a variety of plants. One particular type of plant may have lacked was often complemented by the positive aspects of another plant. For example, fruits are low in fiber and protein and yet they are rich in valuable carbohydrates. If the primates had relied solely on eating fruit then they would have lacked sufficient protein and vital amino acids. To make up for that particular type of shortage, the monkeys eat certain leaves that are high in protein and

British terrestrial broadcasting

Since its controversial launch in March 1997 Channel 5 has been the fifth wheal upsetting the balance of British terrestrial broadcasting. With millions of videos to retune and a paltry programme budget few foresaw success, but C5 was the only mainstream broadcaster to increase its audience share last year1, and at the beginning of this year it was valued at 1.2 billion. The recent purchase of the rights to screen ITVs Australian soap opera Home and Away is a major coup, the first time it has poached from a competitor (its had to get used to the reverse). The problems C5 have had in the past C5 executives are eager to overplay recent well publicised successes, but the channel has been dogged by problems from the start, some technically unavoidable and some disputably due to managerial misjudgement. At the RTS convention in 1999 Greg Dyke, chairing a session on branding, challenged David Brook (director of marketing during C5s launch) that part of the problem with C5 was that it didnt live up to its launch. Brook disagreed saying You must remember, we had to launch a channel without any programmes and amongst all the confusion of retuning His defence cites two of the three main initial problems C5 faced 1) A budget 1/6 of the BBCs 2) The necessity to retune your TV/Video. Also hindering performance was 3) The lack of reach (still only 80% of BBC). The million pounds spent on marketing and producing the glamorous opening was supposed to tackle the first 2 problems, however critics say the reliance of style over substance faith in the power of persuasive com! munication, was short sighted. Brooks successor, Jim Hyther commented (Guardian Nov 1st, 99) Once the coffee jar is on the supermarket shelf, you cant keep pretending to the customer its premium ground when its actually instant granules. Typical schedule content (see appen...

Character Analysis of Romeo

The character analysis of Romeo Rio Mio and Juliet is a story made up of lovers studying two stars who love each other and think that they are willing to sacrifice their lives. Romeo is a very sullen man and his role has grown considerably in the play in various ways. In this article I will focus on the role of Romeo, his intention and ability, and the relationship with other characters in the play. In the dialogue between Benborio and Montague in the first game of the first act, we learned that Romeo was very strange and avoided his friends. Secret. In this sentence, Benvolio explains to L. This article is a literary analysis of the play of Romeo and Juliet. The format is point, proof, and description. The question is, What are the factors and roles that lead to the extinction of Romeo and Juliet? I used Lady and Road Caplet, Juliet Nurse, and Flore Lawrence. There is also a direct reference to the content in the play. This 929 words Shakespeare plays, Romeo and Juliet show a tragic love story to the readers. This is the story of the two young people who fall in love, the people who bind them and the environment. In particular, four characters, Lady and Lord Capulet, Juliet nurse Friar Laurence played an important role in the destruction of the main characters and young lovers Romeo and Juliet. Those personality leads to their desperate behavior and ultimate death through selfishness, betrayal, and authority over young lovers. The literary analysis of similarities between Romeo and Juliet is similar in that there is a common feature between two or more things. Similarities are used to compare similarities. Romeo and Juliet of Shakespearean plays Romeo and Juliet are comparable in their short relationship. They are strangers, but they are gathering through mutual contact. The most obvious similarities between Romeo and Juliet are each other's eternal love.

Responses on two posts Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Responses on two posts - Essay Example This is just a way that the author of the Washington post tried to show readers that a government, no matter how bad it looks in the eyes of the public would have its own supporters. Reintegration into the Cambodian society became a problem for these loyalists after the Khmer Rouge surrendered to the government. The author also says that the Khmer Rouge fighters have now been living in abject poverty as they no longer get the benefits that they were getting when the Khmer Rouge was in power. This just goes to show that a cry for amnesty would leave few people suffering as they would no longer get the benefits they were getting when the rebel group was in control. This article also lays emphasis to the fact that there is now a breath of fresh air as a result of the surrender of the Khmer Rouge. 1 2. The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) was established in 2009 with the aim of safeguarding the human rights, freedom, peace, prosperity and stability of the people of the Southeast Asian nations. The efforts of the member nations of the commission like Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam in ensuring that the aims of the commission are achieved were highlighted in the article.

Teacher Leadership. Behaviors and Importance of Teacher Leaders Essay

Teacher Leadership. Behaviors and Importance of Teacher Leaders - Essay Example Teacher leadership is believed to have played a major role in the act of changes in education. The concept of teacher leadership has played a vital role in changing the professional nature of teachers, changing the reward system of teachers, improvement in the teaching profession with the concept of continuous change and elevating participation of the teachers in the process of making effective decisions. When researchers started researching the notion of teacher leadership, they associated the notion with those teachers who are situated in the formal leadership roles such as teachers working as experienced teachers and teachers working as the department heads (Saha, 2009). Teachers who have assumed these formal position were found to conduct their leadership responsibility outside the class rooms and were given extra time to conduct these responsibilities. Teachers who had assumed formal position as leaders helped other teachers in problem solving and improving school conditions. Te achers assumed these position only with the aim of gaining growth in their professional life or if it was necessary to help their students and classrooms. Teachers who assume these positions do not act as a superior being, they rather work with other teachers as partners or teammates. When teachers assume these leadership positions their roles as teachers increased and these roles enhanced their professional life and teachers started gaining increased say in administrative as well as curriculum aspects of the educational institute. The main point that needs to be taken into consideration is that the effects of this kind of leadership of teachers was obtained because these teachers assumed formal leadership positions in educational institutes and they did not practice leadership roles inside the classroom setting. Researchers have figured out that more positive impact of teacher leadership can be obtained if teachers practice leadership roles within their classrooms (Muijs, 2007). Th e authority structure of schools and educational institutes has been altered in such a way that responsibilities of teachers of these institutes have been increased and these responsibilities promote the notion of teacher leaders within the context of classrooms. Body According to Muijs, the concept of teacher leadership refers to the various behaviors and activities that are together conducted by teachers within an educational institute(Muijs, 2007). This definition of teacher leadership differentiates between the leadership roles played by a teacher within the class and outside the class. The difference is that teacher leaders make use of their relationship with students and colleagues along with curriculum to bring improvement to the educational institute. According to Rinn, the leadership behaviors that are exhibited by the teachers result in enhanced performance of the educational center and the students inside the institute as well as outside the institute but these behaviors are exhibited by teachers within the classroom only(Rinn, 2003). These behaviors are quite informal as compared to the formal behaviors that a teacher exhibits while she is conducting leadership roles outside the classroom. The leadership roles that are conducted outside the classroom are conducted with the aim of enhancing performance of other teachers. The difference between conducting teacher leadership roles within and outside the classrooms does not clearly explain or simplify the notion of teacher leadership. Various activities have been referred to activities conducted by teacher leaders. These activities include: development of the

Lab report- materials Report Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

- materials - Lab Report Example Steel is artificially produced and it exists in different forms of iron. Whereas steel has carbon content which is less than that of pig iron, its carbon content is more than that of wrought iron. Moreover, steel has such qualities as elasticity, hardness, as well as strength, which depends on the heat treatment and composition (Makelainen and Hassinen 488). Consequently, it is categorized as either having low, medium or high carbon content. On the other hand, aluminium is a silvery white metallic element that is ductile and has low density as well as high strength to weight ratio and is mainly bauxite. Owing to its good thermal and conductive properties, aluminium is usually used in forming hard light corrosion resistant alloys. Similarly, a polymer is defined as chemical compound that is formed through a process known as polymerization, and it consists of repeating structural units (Cheremisinoff 1). Inherently, polymers are normally characterized by their light weight and their ab ility to resist corrosion and reaction. Materials and methods The dumbbell specimens were put under tensile forces through a horizontal tensile testing machine. Consequently, the diameter of the specimen was obtained by use of vernier calliper and recorded before the test commenced. Moreover, during the application of the load, two cameras were used in determining the diameter of specimen. Subsequently, the cross-sectional area of the specimen was obtained and together with the load, both the engineering stress and the true stress were calculated in accordance to the following equations. The process was repeated for all the materials. Consequently, a horizontal tensile force was applied to the specimen. The elongation and the new diameter of the specimen, due to the applied load were similarly obtained through the use of VI monitor and the cameras, and they were recorded. Using the load (KN), the diameter (mm) and the elongation (m), engineering and true stress, engineering strain, yield stress *0.1 percent offset, Young modulus, ductility, ultimate tensile stress and work fracture were also obtained. Where where r = diameter/ 2 = Davis defines young elastic modulus as the measure of the resistance of a material to elastic deformation (32). It is equal to the slope of a stress/strain curve in elastic region. Therefore, where , and , are y axis points of the curve, and; , and are x axis points of the curve Moreover, according to Davis ductility of material describes the ability of a material to deform permanently before failure (37). It is actually the engineering strain at failure. = Davis claims that work fracture is equal to the area under stress-strain curve, and its unit is work per unit volume (Nm/m3) (45). More importantly, the ultimate tensile strength refers to the maximum amount of stress a material can bear. It is obtained from the engineering stress-strain curve as the highest point. Conclusion From the tensile test conducted on the materials A, B, and C, the young modulus, yield strength and ultimate tensile strength were obtained. Material A had the highest young modulus with a value of 190 GPa, and it was followed by material B and finally material C. Consequently, from the results it is clear that as the materials become brittle, the Young modulus tends to become higher. It was also noted that the polymer achieved the highest engineering strain, of 0.57, and was closely followed by steel with 0.35 and aluminium with 0.1.